Most Americans educated prior to the 20th Century had always assumed that the founding documents of the American Republic, the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United States, were inspired by the belief in a supreme creator and the system of beliefs contained in the Christian Bible and that this moral and mental framework was sufficient to ensure the viability of the Republic for the foreseeable future. Even in the 20th Century, most Americans continued to hold this sense of things while a growing number of other Americans did not. For something strange was happening in the land.
The Founding Fathers of the American Republic had no certain way of anticipating what would eventually transpire and therefore had no way of preparing the nation for it. But what did happen was in faraway Europe there arose an individual by the name of Karl Marx who sought to challenge the prevailing structure of power and cause its disintegration by ruthless criticism of all supporting cultural customs, traditions and institutions. In 1843, Karl Marx wrote that criticism was a weapon and its object was an enemy which it aimed not to refute but to destroy. This was a war warning for internal revolutionary war and out of this came a structure of beliefs that was the irreconcilable opposite of the Founding Fathers. It came to be known as Marxism. It would come to America in slow, poisonous dribbles over decades.
As a result of the rise of Karl Marx and Marxism as a structure of beliefs, America as a nation has been enveloped in a revolutionary warfare situation for most of the 20th Century without it being commonly recognized. During that period the revolutionary forces of transformational Marxism have sought to change the entire social structure of American society; to destroy the existing social order and bring about its radical transformation by a social revolution, just as they attempted to do in Europe. By the onset of the 21st Century, the Marxist mentality had permeated so many American minds that even U.S. Presidents feared to defy the revolutionary forces or even admit such hostile forces exist in America. The revolutionary forces have so out-thought, out-fought and out-bought their traditionalist opposition and inflicted so many moral and mental wounds upon them by psychological terrorism that many astute observers wonder if the nation can even recover from this Marxist onslaught.
A recent book by Howard S. Schwartz entitled The Revolt of the Primitive: An Inquiry into the Roots of Political Correctness focuses on political correctness in higher education and women in combat in the military as examples of the success of the feminists in conducting a war against the American male's masculinity. While the author does not make this clear, such hatred of the male is actually the result of Karl Marx's hostility to patriarchy that was a reaction to Hegel's assertion that the family was the basic unit of society. This is a prime example of Karl Marx's overpowering influence on America that makes it seem to have become Karl Marx's America.
This condition requires some understanding of the true nature of Karl Marx and his personality traits that have led to the rise of the revolutionary forces of transformational Marxism of which the feminist are a part. For under the evil spell of Karl Marx the hidden agenda of the feminists has been to transform America from a patriarchy into a matriarchy as part of an overall social revolution. There is a 30 page chapter in the English historian Paul Johnson's book Intellectuals and this chapter about Karl Marx is entitled "Karl Marx: Howling Gigantic Curses" in which Karl Marx's hatred, hostility and rage are aptly described.
Karl Marx's revolutionary warfare began by instilling hatred of the bourgeoisie among the proletarians, which became the hallmark of Marxism up to current times. So Marxism became a theology for the mass production of hate that forged a weapon of mass destruction of whole classes of people as in Russia, China, Cambodia and elsewhere that so far has amounted to about 100,000,000 deaths. For instance, in 1972 Herbert Marcuse, a modern follower of Karl Marx, wrote that "gut hatred" was an essential ingredient of the cultural revolution which serve as an example of the transmission of Karl Marx's hatred.
Here is how Maurice Ries described Karl Marx and his works in Toward Soviet America: The Book The Communist Tried To Destroy:
In the first half of last century, a poverty-ridden, hate-filled German expatriate in London unknowingly perpetrated the greatest and cruelest hoax of all time. His name was Karl Marx. He gave us the unrivaled catastrophe called Communism.
Marx was an unmitigated crackpot. Collecting the ill-assorted arguments of Hegel and dozens of others, the untidy eccentric concocted a quack "science" as vicious as smallpox, and just as quick to infect.
Karl Marx thought his rag-bag: theory" (he called it, sometimes, "scientific Socialism") proved that history has been nothing more than the record of struggles between the classes of society; that classes merely divide men into oppressed and oppressor groups; that it is possible to point out certain "laws" governing such struggles; that these "laws" force history to move along paths from which it cannot deviate; and that the whole progress of history inexorably leads to, and reaches its climax in, Communism.
So Marx proposed to turn the world upside-down. The lowly laborer should be elevated to the top of the social structure. The powerful Capitalist should be pulled down from his height. Even the smallholder on the ladder's middle rungs must be tumbled from his place.
Nor did Marx want to stop there. He maintained that the rich as well as the middle-income propertyholders must be eliminated altogether. The crime was owning something.
To Karl Marx, the blackest villain in history is the man who possesses private property; the bourgeois, the despised Capitalist. The hero is "...the proletariat, the modern working-class...a classes of laborers, who live only so long as their labor increases capital. These labors, who must sell themselves piecemeal, are a commodity, like every other article of commerce..." Thus Marx and his co-theorist, Frederich Engels, in The Communist Manifesto (1848). Just in case you missed the point, they remind you that "...The proletarian is without property..." However, they intend to remedy that. With your property.
The working-man, says the Manifesto, is to fight a "...more or less veiled civil war, raging within existing society, up to the point where that war breaks out into open revolution, and where the violent overthrow of the bourgeoisie lays the foundation for the sway of the proletariat."
Or, as Marx and Engels put it, soon thereafter: "...the immediate aim of the Communists is the formation of he proletariat into a class, overthrow of the bourgeois supremacy, conquest of political power by the proletariat."
The words proletariat and its singular proletarian lend themselves to some misunderstanding in modern days. As Maurice Ries pointed out, Karl Marx applied those terms to what he considered the oppressed working class, which consisted mostly of males. However, in 20th Century America after the working class proved by events that they had no interest in serving as cannon fodder for the Marxist revolutionary forces, the revolutionary forces shifted the focus of their efforts to radicalizing women and minorities, blacks, Hispanics and Third World Immigrants, with the intent that these groups become Karl Marx's new proletarians.
In the March 2001 issue of the American Enterprise Institute's publication On the Issues, Charles Murray of the The Bell Curve fame had an essay entitled "Role Models: America's Elites Take Their Cues From The Underclass":
Many elites in the United States are disavowing what is best in our culture and imitating what is worst. Some are trying to reinvoke old norms and reverse the process, but most are succumbing to "proletarianization." This rift is similar to ones experienced historically by disintegrating civilizations.Charles Murray then draws from historian Arnold Toynbee's chapter " Schism In The Soul" from A Study of History who observed that one of the consistent symptoms of disintegration is that the elites begin to imitate those at the bottom of society and succumb to the sickness of proletarianization and in the United States, the elites no longer have a code of their own in which they have confidence. The code of the gentleman has collapsed. The collapse of the old codes has left a vacuum that has been filled by tenets "that tell us to treat people equally regardless of gender, race, or sexual preferences, to be against poverty and war, and to be for fairness and diversity." The old code has been replaced by a distinctive "thug code" of underclass males and the world of hip-hop is an expression of that code. Charles Murray then closes with the following statement: "Bill Clinton's presidency, in both its conduct and in the reaction to that conduct, was a paradigmatic example of elites that have been infected by "the sickness of proletarianization".
Charles Murray noted that his statement was not, at bottom, a partisan one. This is true. George W. Bush's conduct is another example. He gave instructions that the Republican National Convention was not to be a white male affair and so it became a festival of diversity. He has refused to undo the homosexualization and feminization of the Armed Forces and he has made pandering in the quest for future Hispanic votes a prominent feature of his presidency. George Bush appointed a black female as his National Security Advisor and a black males as his Secretary of State. His cabinet could be classified as polychromic. There are signs that he is also infected by the sickness of proletarianization. But if this is a symptom of disintegration as Toynbee suggested, it is also an American condition that reflects the influence of Karl Marx.
Inspired by the success of the Bolshevik revolution in Russia in 1917, the American Communist Party was founded in 1919 with the object of transforming America into a proletarian nation as was dome in Russia according to the expressed views of Karl Marx. Toward Soviet America is a book published in 1933, which attests to this reality. Written by William Z. Foster, national chairman of the Communist Party in America, it describes a scheme in which blacks would be used as a proletarian revolutionary force.
As the founder of Marxism and a promoter of the French Communism he learned from Moses Hess, Karl Marx was definitely not a nice man. His father called him a demonic genius, his children called him "The Moor", he wrote poetry about the devil and destroying the world, his dominant emotion was hatred. Marx became best known for The Communist Manifesto and Das Kapital, the German words for Capital. It is significant that Capital: A Critique of Political Economy was first published in Germany in 1867 when Karl Marx's original critique of capitalism was based on the English industrial system and Germany still had a semi-agricultural economy. There was a clever reason for this. Having been expelled from Germany by police authorities for his radical and treasonous hostility to the Prussian state, Marx composed Das Kapital as a weapon of vengeance to incite revolutionary warfare in Germany. This opportunity came about as a result of the failed revolutions of 1848 in Europe.
Karl Marx and Frederick Engels had drafted The Communist Manifesto for the Communist League's use in the revolutions of 1848 which occurred in France, Austria, Hungary and Germany without success. As a reaction to these failed revolutions, many of Marxist social revolutionaries such as Ferdinand Lassalle concluded that the violent overthrow of an armed bourgeois state was not feasible, asserting as he did that "our liberal bourgeoisie cannot smash the military state." Lassalle then formed the All German Workers' Association in 1863 as the first major German trade union federation and the precursor of a workers' political party, the Social Democratic Party. The Social Democrats eventually became the largest Marxist party in Germany as well as in Europe and Das Kapital was to become their bible that reflected Marx's structure of beliefs. Ferdinand Lassalle's plan for a creeping social revolution by way of a mass workers' movement was followed by Karl Marx's founding of the First International Workingman's Association in 1864. For Marx aspired to command a worldwide industrial army that could be used to unravel the hated capitalist system of the Western World.
Since the primary purpose here is to confirm the subsequent impact of Karl Marx on America, the 1960's Countercultural Revolution can be posited as a symptom of his influence. It was Herbert Marcuse, a Marxist revolutionary posing as a philosopher, who performed a leading role in inspiring young student revolutionaries of the Counterculture. As a result of his efforts, interest in the early Marx arose. That is to say, the writings of young Karl Marx that preceded The Communist Manifesto of 1848. Becoming aware of this situation, Professor Robert C. Tucker of Princeton University compiled The Marx-Engel Reader which included a full range of writing from the young Marx. One of the writings was entitled, "Contribution To The Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right: Introduction." Its significance lies in the fact that Professor Trucker pointed out in his forward, it was "a consummate expression of the radical mind that proclaims the need for a radical revolution and the proletariat as its class vehicle." It also comprised a formula for revolutionary warfare and stood as a virtual declaration of war against the Prussian State that ruled at the time in Germany.
The crucial importance of Karl Marx's essay consists of the various elements that comprised his formula for revolutionary warfare. Most of these elements would later become incorporated into the structure of beliefs that would be used by revolutionary forces in their assault on America. The first element he addressed was religion and these are some of the things he wrote:
For Germany, the criticism of religion has largely been completed, and the criticism of religion is the premise of all criticisms...the basis of irreligious criticism is this: man makes religion; religion does not make the man...Man is the human world, the state, society...religion is the sign of the oppressed creature...It is the opium of the people...Religion is only the illusory sun about which man revolves so long as he does not revolve about himself...It is the task of history...to establish the truth of this world. The immediate task of philosophy, which is in the service of history, is to unmask human self alienation in its secular form now that it has been unmasked in its sacred form. Thus the criticism of heaven is transformed into the criticism of earth, the criticism of religion into the criticism of law and the criticism of theology into the criticism of politics.
So far, the elements which Karl Marx intended to use in his revolutionary warfare were religion, history, philosophy, law, theology and politics. He then criticizes the historical school of law as an invention of German history that swears upon its historical Christian Germanic bond and Germans seek their history of liberty beyond German history in the primeval Teutonic forests. Here Marx added prehistory to his elements. Karl Marx then revealed the true nature of his revolutionary intentions:
But war upon the state of affairs in Germany! By all means! This state of affairs is beneath the level of history, beneath all the criticism; nevertheless it remains an object of criticism just as the criminal who is beneath humanity remains an object of the executioner. In its struggle against this state of affairs criticism is not a passion of the head, but the head of passion. It is not a lancet but a weapon. Its object is n enemy, which it aims not to refute but to destroy...
The criticism which deals with the subject matter is criticism in a hand-to-hand fight; and in such a fight it is of no interest to know whether the adversary is of the same rank, is noble or interesting--all that matters is to strike him. It is a question of denying the Germans an instant of illusion or resignation. The burden must be made still more irksome by awakening a consciousness of it, and shame must be made more shameful still by rendering it public. Every sphere of German society must be depicted as the partie honteuse of German society; and these petrified social conditions must be made to dance by singing their own melody to them. The nation must be taught to be terrified of itself...
By this means, Karl Marx added another element to his formula for social revolutionary warfare, that of mass manipulation of a whole nation by the application of mass psychology. In 20th Century America, the revolutionary forces would apply Marx's psychological terrorism with full force and vigor to the entire nation so as to prevent any real opposition to the Marxist social revolution. Marx then added theory to his revolutionary formula:
It is clear that the arm of criticism cannot replace the criticism of arms. Material force can only be overthrown by material force; but theory itself becomes material force when it has seized the masses. Theory is capable of seizing the masses when it demonstrates ad hominem, and it demonstrates ad hominem as soon as it becomes radical. To be radical is to group things by the root. But for man the root is man himself. What proves beyond doubt the radicalism of German theory, and thus its practical energy, is that begins from the resolute positive abolition of religion. The criticism of religion ends with the doctrine that man is the supreme being for man. It ends therefore, with the categorical imperative to overthrow all those conditions in which man is an abased, enslaved, abandoned, contemptible being...
Here Karl Marx is asserting that theory as a material force for revolution is capable of sizing the masses when it demonstrates ad hominem, one's individual passions and prejudices, and becomes radical by a doctrine that man is the supreme being for man that calls for the abolition of religion. This has come to be known as humanism. But in the 20th Century, Marx's theory as a material force for revolution was enlarged into a body of destructive criticism that came to be known as Critical Theory which was widely propagated in America in support of Marxism's social revolution. Karl Marx then comes to the apex of his formula for revolution--class warfare--and this is how he addresses it:
For a popular revolution and the emancipation of a particular class of civil society to coincide, for one class to represent the whole society, another class must embody and represent a general obstacle and limitation. A particular social sphere must be regarded as the notorious crime of the whole society, so that emancipation from this sphere appears as a general emancipation. For one class to be the liberating class par excellence, it is necessary that another class should be openly the oppressing class.
Here Karl Marx was setting up the bourgeois middle class as the oppressing class and a notorious crime while the proletariat becomes the liberating class. This formed the basis for Marxism's inciting the proletarian working class against the bourgeois middle class that eventually led to the official criminalizing of the bourgeoisie in Russia after the Bolshevik Revolution in 1917 and later in China after completion of the Communist conquest there in 1949 and still later in Cambodia. In America after the 1950 publication of five books under the heading of "Studies in Prejudice" authored by a band of Marxist revolutionaries commonly know as the Frankfurt School with connections to the Soviet Union, the charges of prejudice and discrimination were aimed at the American middle class that led to an incremental series of laws that had the effect of criminalizing the traditional structure of belief of most Americans.
Karl Marx then defined what he meant by the proletariat:
A class must be formed which has radical chains, a class in civil society, a class which is the dissolution of all classes...This dissolution of society, as a particular class, is the proletariat...For what constitutes the proletariat is not naturally existing poverty, but poverty artificially produced, is not the mass of people mechanically oppressed by the weight of society, but the mass resulting from the disintegration of society and above all from the disintegration of the middle class.
Needless to say, however, the numbers of the proletariat are also increased by the victims of natural poverty and of Christian Germanic serfdom. When the proletariat announces the dissolution of the existing social order, it only declares the secret of its own existence, for it is the effective dissolution of this order.
It should be clear that not only did Karl Marx add the criminalization and disintegration of the middle class and the dissolution of the existing social order as elements in his formula for social revolution, but these could be considered what he actually intended to achieve and only that since any social order has to be destroyed before a new one can be created in its placed. Nearly 100 years later in 20th Century America, Herbert Marcuse, the Marxist Revolutionary, would think as Marx did; that the proletariat was the potential revolutionary class that could destroy the existing social order and bring about its radical transformation. Other Marxist would use such phrases as the restructuring of America society and the transformation of a social system, etc., but these all mean social revolution in America as Karl Marx intended for Germany. And by the onset of the 21st Century, disintegration in the biocultural sense of the American middle class was well underway without most Americans realizing it was part of a 150-year-old revolutionary warfare process.
In reality, Karl Marx's mind-twisting impact on American society began as early as 1850 when he was hired to write articles about Europe for Horace Greely's New York Daily Tribune, one of America's most influential newspapers. Marx wrote these articles for a ten-year period from 1850 to 1860. Marx also wrote a letter to President Abraham Lincoln in 1865 on the subject of abolishing slavery. Marx's founding of the First International Workingman's Association in London in 1864 led to the founding of the National Labor Union in 1865 as its American version. This brought Karl Marx's formula for class warfare to America that eventually led to the Pennsylvania Coal Strike in 1877; the Railroad Strike of 1877, the Knights of Labor mobilization; the May Day Strike; and the Haymarket Square Riot in Chicago in 1886. Even the Boston Police Walkout; the National Steel Strike; the Women's Suffrage Campaign and race riots in 1919 can be attributed to Karl Marx's evil influence. These revolutionary events from 1877 onward are chronicled in Neil Irvin Painter's book Standing at Armageddon: The United States 1877-1919.
Marxism's march through America's newly formed labor organizations was matched as in Germany by newly formed political parties such as the Socialist Labor Party founded in 1877; the Social Democratic Party founded by Eugene V. Debs and others in 1898, and then the Socialist Party founded in 1901. These were all symptoms of Karl Marx's imprint on the American mind, but there were more symptoms to come. In 1912 Colonel E. M. House published a novel in which the hero was "attempting to install socialism as dreamed of by Karl Marx." Colonel House later became President Wilson's top advisor and was involved in arranging the transit of the Marxist revolutionary, Leon Trotsky, from New York to Russia where he became a leading Bolshevik and head of the Soviet Red Army.
This had the effect of placing the Democratic administration of Wilson on the side of the Bolsheviks and their social revolution in Russia. Another key symptom was the manifesto of the American Communist Party at its founding convention in 1919 which declared that "Communism does not propose to capture the bourgeoisie parliamentary state, but to conquer and destroy it..." That was pure Marx. Then there was William Z. Foster's 1933 book Toward Soviet America. When it was written, Foster was the national chairman of the American Communist Party. It was a tirade in the style of Karl Marx and was against America and capitalism and as the title makes clear was for a Stalinist Soviet America like that of the Soviet Union. All of these symptoms were evidence of the incremental advance towards Karl Marx's America.
Having been born in 1818, the young Karl Marx was only twenty-five years old when he composed his formula for revolutionary warfare in his fiery critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right. Marx had challenged Hegel's Philosophy of Right since he perceived it to be favorable to the Christian Germanic state of Prussia he intended to destroy with his ruthless criticism. In that critique, Marx had criticized the Christian religion of the Germans; German history; German law; German politics, and the German middle class. He had advocated the disintegration of the German middle class. In 1844, at the age of 26, Marx wrote a critique entitled The German Ideology. He aimed at German philosophy, or rather its inversion by asserting: "In direct contrast to German philosophy which descend from heaven to earth, here we ascend from earth to heaven." This was Marx's way of denigrating Hegel's Spiritual conception of history and replacing it with his own materialist conception of history, the exact opposite.
In The German Ideology Karl Marx asserted that various stages of development in the division of labor were just so many different forms of ownership such as tribal ownership where the national division of labor in the family results in a social structure limited to the family results in a social structure limited to the extended family headed by the patriarchal family chieftains and below them members of the tribe and finally slaves. Slavery is latent in the family. The second form is the ancient communal and state ownership still accompanied by slavery. The third form of ownership is feudal or estate property developed under the influence of the German military constitution, which gave the military power over the serfs that formed a hierarchy. Marx also claimed that the family as a means of men propagating their own kind would become subordinate to other new social relations. He noted, "that the abolition of the family is self evident." Marx also claimed that the first property in the family were wives and children were the slaves of the husband. This latent slavery in the family was the first property.
In The German Ideology and later in the The Communist Manifesto, Karl Marx proposed the abolition of the family. In Germany, the family was considered the basic unit of society. But in the The Communist Manifesto, Marx stated that the foundation of the bourgeois family was based on capital and on private gain and its completely developed form that family existed only among the bourgeoisie. The abolition of the family as the basic unit of society would off course, hastens the disintegration of the German middle class. Marx also wrote in The German Ideology that "the Communist materialist sees the necessity... of a transformation both of industry and of the social structure." In the The Communist Manifesto, he wrote: the proletariat must first of all acquire political supremacy, must rise to be the leading class of the nation...Karl Marx's belief that the patriarchal family was the root cause of slavery led to his interest in matriarchy. This belief would eventually lead to a war against the patriarchal family in America which fueled the Feminist Revolution and the transformation of the social structure there by the proletarians of another kind.
Karl Marx's intent to abolish the German Bourgeois family as part of his formula for revolutionary warfare that involved the disintegration of the German middle class flowed from his belief about the patriarchal father-led family. Consistent with his method of turning everything German into its opposite, Karl Marx then pursed the matriarchal mother-led family. As a result of the constant exchange of views between himself and his close associate Frederick Engels on the origins of civilization and its institutions, Karl Marx became interested in the works of Lewis H. Morgan, founder of American anthropology, contained in the book Ancient Society, published in 1877. This joint project between Marx and Engels that involved Morgan's studies led to Engels' publication of The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State in 1884. The very title was taken from Morgan's claim that the family, private property and the state were nonexistent in prehistoric life. Morgan had divided all human life into three main epochs: savagery, barbarism and civilization. In the epoch of savagery, Morgan claimed that in primitive societies communal life was maternal, not paternal, I prehistory. Therefore, in human prehistory where a state of savagery existed for most of the time and the epoch of civilization was only a small part of this time, matriarchal rule prevailed for most of the time. It is ironic that Morgan's conclusion was based on the study of an American Indian tribe, The Iroquois of New York.
Karl Marx accepted Lewis Morgan's thesis that the patriarchal family rose as a product of private property since this conclusion to which they both agreed was central to Marx's proclaimed goal of abolishing the family, then abolishing private property and finally abolishing the state, all under the heading of Marx's "socialism" for which his revolutionary warfare was to bring about. It was actually a formula for the disintegration of Western civilization. And it would have a substantial and even an overwhelming impact on America in the latter half of the 20th Century. For in 1972, The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State was republished in America with a resurgence of popularity that came about with the emergence of the women's liberation movement, the feminist revolution, brought about by Betty Friedan's The Feminine Mystique.
A feminist by the name of Evelyn Reed wrote the introduction to the 1972 edition of The Origin... and asserted that women who were "organizing and acting to end the deep-rooted discrimination against the female sex" and wanted to know "how their oppression originated and weather it always existed." Then she reflects the standard Marxist mentality:
Civilized society is founded on the private ownership of property; it is class divided, with a wealthy possessing class exploiting the working mass. A state apparatus enforced this rule of the rich. It is characterized by inequalities of all kinds, economic, social and sexual. Male supremacy and female inferiority are integral features of this patriarchal class system.
In savage society...there was no compulsory family institution with the father in command, exacting subservience, obedience and conformity from wife and children...
...women plummeted from their former status to become the oppressed sex of the patriarchal society.
Evelyn Reed proclaimed there was a mistaken notion that the biological function of procreation was the basis of the family and that fatherhood functions were virtually nonexistent in the animal world. " The family in the true definition of the term is a father family, a socio-economic institution that subjects procreation to male made regulations, restrictions and laws." She ends the introduction with this assertion: "The replacement of the oppressive system of capitalism by a new order that will remake human relations from top to bottom is the ultimate road to female liberation. In Marxist terms, that is socialism." Basically, Evelyn Reed spewed forth Karl Marx's structure of beliefs as if he had written it himself. Her introduction to Engel's The Origins... constituted an open invitation for American women to join Marx's revolutionary warfare in the form of the "war against patriarchy" so that matriarchy would again come into being--in America--and thus a giant step toward Marx's America. For Evelyn Reed had shown beyond any doubt that the Feminist Revolution in America was only part of the larger social revolution conducted by the revolutionary forces of transformational Marxism to remake America into a nation of proletarians.
The women's liberation movement, of which Evelyn Reed was a part, was ignited by Betty Friedan with her 1963 book The Feminist Mystique in which she stated, "the feminist movement was a revolution." In its very essence, Betty Friedan's book consisted of a revolutionary plea for America's women to abandon their traditional role as wives and mother and bearers of children for the next generation in favor of joining the proletarian workforce. In true Marxist fashion, this was her way of inducing the disintegration of the patriarchal structure of power. It would also lead to the disintegration of the patriarchal family, which adhered to Karl Marx's goal of abolition of the family as the way to cause the disintegration of the bourgeois middle class in Germany. Betty Friedan's maiden name was Bettye Goldstein. In this chapter "The Radicalization of Bettye Goldstein, 1940-2941, in his book Betty Friedan and the Making of the Feminine Mystique, Daniel Horowitz relates what Bettye Goldstein learned at Smith College in a course labeled Economics 319, Theories and Movements for Social Reconstruction, taught by Dorothy Wolff Douglas.
According to Daniel Horowitz, Dorothy Wolff Douglas was an advocate of women, workers and fundamental social change in the 1920's and 1930's and underscored the historic contribution of organized and militant members of the working class. She was especially concerned about discrimination against women in the work force. In Economics 319, Douglas taught about dialectical materialism, the class struggle and the role of the working class in fostering revolutionary change. Douglas mentioned what she called the feminist movement and talked about the traditionalism of the Nazi's attitude toward religion, women, children and the family and said the Nazi's placed the children at the center of family lives, celebrated motherhood and opposed women working outside the house in professional positions. Daniel Horowitz noted that historian Robert Cohen had remarked; "American student activist noted with alarm Adolf Hitler's reactionary policy toward German women which would remove them from political life, relegating females to the home and the three K's--Kinder, Kuche and Kirche," a common refrain that referred to children, kitchen and church." And according to Daniel Horowitz, what made Douglas' teachings so historically significant was the presence of Bettye Goldstein carefully taking notes and absorbing her lectures. And Goldstein favorably responded to Douglas' Marxist critique of capitalism, which made her a product of Karl Marx.
When later, the now Betty Friedan wrote her book The Feminine Mystique, she did what Karl Marx had done before her. Aiming at American women of the middle class, the bourgeoisie, she purposely attempted to turn the traditional German structure of beliefs about the role of women toward children and the family into their very opposite for middle class American women. Betty Friedan's feminist revolution urged middle class women to abandon a focus on family, motherhood and children in favor of competing with men for professional and other jobs in the work force. To support this women's move from the home to the work force, Betty Friedan advocated the women's right to choose abortion so that childbearing would not interfere with careers. Women were urged to break all barriers such as the "glass ceiling" in large corporations and in all other institutions. Women were urged to become like men and men were urged to become like women. In reality, this was Betty Friedan formula for the disintegration of the American middle class just as Karl Marx proposed for the German middle class. It was also her way of setting America on the path toward matriarchy that Karl Marx and Frederick Engels strived to justify with The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State. In effect, Betty Friedan's combination of working middle class women who aborted their children was, in effect, the production of unisex proletarians to feed Karl Marx's social revolution in America.
In the chapter "The Forfeited Self" in her book The Feminine Mystique, Betty Friedan refers to new psychological thinking in her effort to destroy traditional femininity. She portrays American housewives in the confined world of the home as having forfeited their own being, their own existence. She cited the various theories of the social psychologist Abraham H. Maslow such as self-actualization, hierarchy of needs, and the sexual merits of "dominance feeling" in women. The more "dominant" the woman, the greater her enjoyment of sexuality. Betty Friedan notes that high-dominance women were not "feminine" in the conventional sense. She quotes from one of Maslow's articles: "Our high dominance women feel more akin to men than to women in tastes, attitudes, prejudices, aptitudes, philosophy and inner personality in general..." What Maslow and Friedan were leading up to was indicated in a biography of Maslow The Right to be Human, authored by Edward Hoffman. This is what Hoffman wrote about Maslow's theory of self-actualization:
Although Maslow believed that some innate psychological differences exist between men and women, he also felt strongly that self-actualization involves a synthesis of traits associated in our culture with both masculinity and femininity. In an intriguing unpublished paper dated July 7, 1957, he wrote, " Granted that males and females came to...self-actualizations via different paths, it nevertheless seems to be becoming clearer and clearer that the next step in personal evolution is a transcendence of both masculinity and femininity to general humanness. In this lofty state, the differences between the healthy male and healthy females become insignificant: Both males and females then become decisive, able to say no, stern, initiating...and also passive, yielding, accepting and eager to please...they both become motherly and fatherly.
To interpret the significance of this, it needs to be known that in the aforesaid biography, it was related that Abraham Maslow's mentor was Erich Fromm, a Marxist revolutionary of the Frankfurt School apparatus. In 1943, Abraham Maslow had published an article entitled "The Authoritarian Character Structure" which was inspired by Erich Fromm. The notion of such a thing as an authoritarian character was first publicized by Wilhelm Reich in his 1933 book The Mass Psychology of Fascism. Reich was also a member of the Frankfurt School apparatus. It heralded an adoption by the Frankfurt School of warfare between two types of character, authoritarian and revolutionary, as a replacement for class warfare between the bourgeoisie and proletarian. From then on it would be a method of conducting revolutionary warfare by Marxist social psychologist who thereafter focused on changing the innate character traits of both men and women in America in order to advance Karl Marx's disintegration of patriarchy in favor of matriarchal rule.
Karl Marx's revolutionary assault on mid-19th Century Germany began with his ruthless criticism of its cultural traditions and institutions, which set a pattern for Marxism's future revolutionary warfare. It was adopted in whole by V. I. Lenin prior to the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 and formed the basis of his leadership of Russia as the Dictatorship of the Proletariat. Lenin had advanced the concept of vanguard of the proletariat and wars of national liberation to promote Marxism's world proletarian revolution. True to Karl Marx's original formula, Lenin waged among the Russians a war against capitalism, Christianity, private property, the middle class, and patriarchy, the family and gender roles. All of the Russians were to become proletarians, uni-raced and uni-sexed proletarians on the path to a proletarian world of equality. After World War II, Stalin used Marxism's longstanding tirade against the white West for its imperialism and colonialism to ignite a series of wars of national liberation in Africa and in the Far East. Just as Marxism pitted the proletariat against the bourgeoisie, Marxism then pitted the colored people against the white West that led to the disintegration of the British, French, Dutch and Spanish colonial empires.
The new effect of Marxism's hatred of the white West which inspired the wars of national liberation to begin with was the massive transfer of wealth and power from the white West to black and other colored Africans. It was essentially the depowering of whites and the empowering of colored people just as Karl Marx sought with his social revolution to depower the bourgeoisie and empower the proletariat. The revolutionary process is the same. In black Africa, the wars of national liberation that ignited colored against white colonials essentially became race warfare. Western leaders had been so psychologically conditioned by decades of Marxist propaganda that they gave their support to the blacks revolutionaries over their own kind of people. Nowhere was this more evident in South Africa when black leaders replaced white leaders after a revolutionary war that used Apartheid as the excuse. When Marxists everywhere declared Apartheid to be a moral evil, Western leaders visibly cringed at the thought of supporting the white Afrikaner Regime. British and American leaders were prominent in this cringing, for their own nation had been long subjected to the same kind of Marxist revolutionary spell that placed them on the way toward Karl Marx's proletarian world of equality.
For early in the 20th Century, America had come under attack by the Marxist revolutionary forces using the same formula devised by Karl Marx for revolutionary warfare against mid-19th Century Germany; used by Lenin for revolutionary warfare against Russians after the Bolshevik Revolution, and used by Stalin for revolutionary warfare against white colonists in Black Africa after World War II. To this commonality, another dimension was added in America which eventually evolved into revolutionary warfare not only by race, but also by sex and gender. Karl Marx's revolutionary assault on mid-19th century Germany with his ruthless criticism if its cultural traditions and institutions led to Marxism's revolutionary warfare that consisted of a war against capitalism; a war against Christianity; a war against private property; a war against the middle class; a war against patriarchy; a war against family; a war against hierarchy, and a war against cultural customs and traditions.
In America, to these elements of revolutionary warfare the forces of transformational Marxism added a war against white supremacy; a war against gender roles; a war against masculinity; a war against femininity; a war against differentiation; a war against biological inheritance; and a war against prejudice and discrimination. This was a total war against the traditional structure of beliefs held by most Americans. Of these elements, the war against discrimination would become the most important in placing America on the path to a nation of uni-raced and uni-sexed proletarians. This meant placing all Americans on the same level that had the lowest common denominator. Such revolutionary techniques as multiculturalism, diversity, disparate impact and affirmative action were employed to achieve this common condition whereby all cultures, all religions all races, all genders and all sexes have been declared equal by the revolutionary forces. But in a national condition when there is growing belief that everyone and everything is equal, then there can be no one or no thing of value, since value is a function of a hierarchy of worth. This is an intentional condition propagated by the revolutionary forces for the purpose of propelling the American nation toward Karl Marx's proletarian world of equality
The most striking organizational advance toward Karl Marx's proletarian America was made with the founding of the American Communist Party in 1919. In their book Venona: Decoding Soviet Espionage in America, John Earl Haynes and Harvey Klehr wrote this:
The American Communist party was born as the organizational center of a revolutionary movement. The manifesto of the movements 1919 founding convention declared that "Communism does not purpose to capture the bourgeoisie parliamentary state but to conquer and destroy it...It is necessary that the proletariat organize its own state for the coercion and suppression of the bourgeoisie...
In 1928, William Z. Foster, then the CPUSA's presidential; candidate and one of the top party leaders until his death in 1961, told cheering American communist, "When a communist heads a government in the United States--and that day will come just as surely as the sun rises--that government will not be a capitalistic government nut a Soviet government and behind the government will stand the Red Army to enforce the Dictatorship of the Proletariat."
In 1932, Foster, again running for president on the CPUSA Ticket, foretold a Communist future for Americans: "By the term 'abolition' of capitalism we mean its overthrow in open struggle by the toiling masses, led by the proletariat...to put an end to the capitalist system will require a consciously revolutionary act by the great toiling masses, led by the Communist Party; that is, the conquest of the State machine created by the ruling class, and the organization of the proletarian dictatorship..."
These are vivid expressions of the revolutionary forces' intent to transform the nation into a replica of the Bolshevik Soviet Union on the way to Karl Marx's proletarian America. In his 1932 aptly entitled book Toward Soviet America, William Z. Foster had described a programmatic approach to bringing about a proletarian America. The most important part of this book relates to the war against discrimination that eventually engulfed America. In the section on "The Revolutionary Forces In The United States," Foster devotes considerable attention to the Negroes:
The Negroes also constitute a great potentially revolutionary force. Comprising about 12,000,000, they are the poorest of the poor...they are the most bitterly exploited and persecuted element of the whole population. ...At his every turn the Negro faces a system of the rankest discrimination and exploitation... In industry the Negro is forced to take the hardest, dirtiest work for the lowest wages; he is the last to be hired and the first to be fired during industrial crisis; when unemployment relief is distributed, he is shamelessly discriminated against. As an agricultural worker and sharecrop farmer in the South, he is subjected to an almost chattel slavery exploitation and terrorism from landlords, bankers, etc. In his political life he is disfranchised; he is denied the right to hold office and to vote; he is refused the right of trail by jury; he is savagely lynched by mobs of whites, led by businessmen and landlords, and the State condones these shocking murders; in court his word counts for nothing against a white man's; when convicted, he receives sentences two or three times as severe as white men yet for similar offenses...He is systematically Jim-Crowed in hotels, restaurants, theaters, etc.; he is denied the right to an education; he is made to live in the most unsanitary sections of towns; his women-folk are the object of unpunished insult and assault from the whites... The Negro masses will make the very best fighters for the revolution.
In the forward to a 1961 reprint of William Z. Foster's Toward Soviet America, Frances E. Walter, Chairman Committee on Un-American Activities, U.S. House of Representatives wrote the following:
This is the book the Communist tried to destroy. They had the best of reasons for destroying it. It tells too much..."
It does indeed tell too much--it tells too much of Marxism's hostility toward white men expressed by Karl Marx's style of ruthless criticism of their traditions and institutions. Foster's criticism of white men on behalf of Negroes set a pattern that would be followed by the revolutionary forces' drive toward their social revolution in America. In a later section entitled "The Communist Party Program of Immediate Demands", Foster wrote the following about Negroes:
The Party lays the utmost stress upon its demands for the Negroes. It demands full economic, political and social equality for them; it fights to eliminate the entire system of discrimination to which the Negroes are subjected in industry, in the distribution of unemployment relief, in segregated dwelling districts, in hotels and restaurants, in trade unions, in the courts, in political activities; that is, the whole Jim Crow outrage; it demands death for lynchers, and it fights for the right of self-determination for the Negro nation in the Black Belt of the South.
William Z. Foster's focus on the Negroes was not an isolated aberration of one man. The right of self-determination was an invitation to Negro rule of the South. It actually followed the same pattern used by the Lenin and Stalin in their wars of national liberation in Black Africa that resulted in the replacement of white rule by black rule and the dissolution of the European empires. It followed the same pattern set by Karl Marx with his revolutionary warfare to elevate the lowly proletarian laborers in Germany to the top of the social structure and thereby replace the old ruling class with proletarian rule. This was the nature of the world proletarian revolution initiated by Karl Marx. It was to be a global-wide redistribution of power. Since the yellow, brown and black colored peoples comprised the vast majority of the world's population, the world proletarian revolution really meant that rule by the Colored would be inevitable. And Colored rule in a proletarian world that outlawed "discrimination" and "racism" as criminal offenses would mean that the white race would be placed at risk of eventual extinction. Nevertheless, America as a nation did bend to the will of William Z. Foster's demands for fashioning Negroes into revolutionaries on the road to Karl Marx's proletarian America.
The revolutionary forces of transformational Marxism of which the old Communist Party under the likes of William Z. Foster was a part strived to restructure and transform American society into a proletarian nation. Complementing the old Communist Party was the group of Marxist revolutionaries that comprised the Frankfurt School apparatus. Coming to America in the mid-1930's as refugees from Hitlerian Germany, they had made numerous studies and written a series of books that became known as Critical Theory. Critical Theory was basically destructive criticism of German and then American societies. It followed the intent of Karl Marx to use criticism as a weapon to destroy the prevailing structure of power in preparation for proletarian rule. One of their main works was Studies on Authority and the Family written in Germany and based on an analysis of German society. True to Karl Marx's provision in the Communist Manifesto for the abolition of the family, the Frankfurt School apparatus portrayed the patriarchal family as a miniature authoritarian state in which the youth were condition to support "fascism" by which they meant Hitlerian national socialism. In the 1930's, Stalin had ignited a "war against fascism" as a propaganda device to enlist America in support of Soviet policies and Marxists have used the term "fascist" ever since to designate opponents of their revolutionary warfare.
What the Frankfurt School apparatus was really doing was preparing to redefine what a proletarian was in terms of character traits. One of its members, Wilhelm Reich, had already published a book in Germany in 1933 entitled The Mass Psychology of Fascism in which two types of character was posed, an authoritarian character and a revolutionary character. The authoritarian were the fascist enemy and the revolutionary was a Marxist until the Frankfurt School apparatus came to America and then the revolutionary character became the "democratic" character, i.e., Marxists became "Democrats." In the mid-1940's the Frankfurt School apparatus was funded by American Jewish Committee for a project called "Studies in Prejudice." It consisted of five books on the subjects of prejudice, anti-Semitism and personality traits written by members of the Frankfurt School apparatus and their American associates. One of the Frankfurt School members was Paul W. Massing, a known Soviet agent who took his orders directly from the Kremlin. This makes it highly probable that the Frankfurt School apparatus was, in fact, a Soviet operation from its very beginning.
This would not be the first time Jewish passions were manipulated in the interest of a foreign government. The famous "Balfour Declaration" issued by the British government in 1917 had more to do with enlisting the support of influential American Jews in the British war against Germany during World War I than creating a Jewish national home in Palestine. So it made a certain degree of sense for a Soviet government interested in expanding its world proletarian revolution to manipulate Jewish passions over anti-Semitism, prejudice, and the likes to enlist American Jews in an effort to proletarianize the minds and behavior of all Americans. The Authoritarian Personality published in 1950 was the most influential of the "Studies in Prejudice" series. This book delved into the personality traits that supposedly measured the propensity toward anti-Semitism and fascism. It formed an analytical basis for a sustained and nation-wide campaign of revolutionary warfare against prejudice, bigotry and discrimination practiced by authoritarian man in America. For the Marxist revolutionary forces, this book supplemented the hostility expressed by William Z. Foster in Toward Soviet America toward the white practice of social discrimination and under a gloss of scientific research it was far more lethal.
The Authoritarian Personality was presented as a scientific study which included measuring a propensity for fascism on an "F-Scale" where "F" stood for fascism. This is indicative of the Marxist mentality of the Frankfurt School apparatus, which proposed that capitalism plus Christianity plus the patriarchal family was the source of fascism and anti-Semitism. The practical effect of this study was to lead to the criminalization of the white middle class in America just as Karl Marx proposed the criminalization and disintegration of the bourgeois middle class in the 19th century Germany. In America, the revolutionary campaign against social discrimination led to a series of laws over four decades outlawing almost any form of discrimination in all sectors of American life. Not only did such laws transform the Federal Government into an instrument of social revolution that made the white male structure of power the primary target, they propelled society toward Karl Marx's proletarian America.
The single Marxist revolutionary of the Frankfurt School apparatus who did the most damage to traditional America and paved the way for Karl Marx's proletarian America was Herbert Marcuse. In a paper of February, 1947, Marcuse revealed his true intentions wherein he argued the case for a Soviet Republic and welcomed anarchy, disintegration and catastrophe as the only means through which, in an act of revolutionary freedom, change would be achieved...His stature in the world proletarian revolution was duly noted in a May 30, 1968 article "The Three M's" in Pravda: Marx--the god; Mao--his sword, and Marcuse--his prophet. And his case for a Soviet Republic in America correlated with William Z. Foster's Toward Soviet America. In his 1972 book Counterrevolution and Revolt, Herbert Marcuse wrote the following:
Destructive productivity has been the ever more conspicuous feature of male domination; inasmuch as the "male principle" has been the ruling mental and physical force, a free-society would be the definite negation of this principle--it would be a female society. In this sense, it has nothing to do with matriarchy of any sort; the image of the women as the mother is itself repressive; it transforms a biological fact into an ethical and cultural value and thus supports and justifies her social repression. At stake is rather the ascent of Eros over aggression, in men and women; and this means, in a male-dominated civilization, the "femalization" of the male. It would express the decisive change in the instinctual structure: The weakening of primary aggressiveness which, by a combination of biological and social factors, has governed the patriarchal culture.In this transformation, the Women's Liberation Movement becomes a radical force to the degree to which it transcends the entire sphere of aggressive needs performances, the entire social organization and division of functions. In other words, the movement becomes radical to the degree to which it aims, not only at equality within the job and value structure of the established society...but rather at a change in the structure itself...
This is the kind of revolutionary assault Herbert Marcuse taught the young student revolutionaries of the 1960's Countercultural revolution who then carried it into American education in general. He was actually redefining and enlarging the proletarian forces. Karl Marx's original proletarians were the lowly laborers who he manipulated by having them believe they could be elevated to the top of the social order if they engaged in his social revolution. Instead of relying on workers for the proletarian revolution, Marcuse expanded the revolutionary forces to include demasculated males that would no longer be aggressive or patriarchal, but passive. The femalization of the male would then open the door to the disintegration of the traditional structure of male power. This was a concerted effort in conjunction with Betty Friedan's initiation of her Feminist Revolution that was to advance the nation toward a matriarchal society. Despite the camouflage of words, both Marcuse and Friedan were promoting a Marxist Social revolution. But Marcuse did not stop there.
In the chapter on "Subverting Forces--In Transition" in his book An Essay on Liberation published in 1969, Herbert Marcuse wrote: "The fact is that, at present in the United States the black population appears as the most natural force of rebellion":
The ghetto population of the United States constitutes such a force. Confined to small areas of living and dying, it can be more easily organized and directed. Moreover, located in the core cities of the country, the ghettos form natural geographical centers from which the struggle can be mounted against targets of vital economic and political importance; in this respect, the ghettos can be compared with the faubourgs of Paris in the eighteenth century, and their location makes for spreading and contagious upheavals.
In the same chapter of "An Essay On Liberation," Herbert Marcuse suggested that in large areas of national production heavy physical labor is replaced by scientifically trained, intelligent workers which makes a considerable part of the student population a prospective working class--a "new working class." In other words, they would become new proletarians. He was thus expanding the ranks of proletarian to encompass not only women and blacks, but also the new working class of former students. He expected these "subverting forces" to become a major part of the revolutionary forces of transformational Marxism and be added to Karl Marx's original proletarians. In his last chapter Marcuse proposed that revolutionary change "could occur in a general, unstructured, unorganized and diffused process of disintegration." He also proposed the dissolution of social morality. And "the initiative shift to small groups, widely diffused, with a high degree of autonomy, mobility, flexibility." He confirmed this revolutionary process in an obscure article "The Carnivorous Society" published in Buenos Aires in 1969:
There is one thing we can say with complete assurance: the traditional idea of revolution and the traditional strategy of revolution has ended. These ideas are old-fashioned... what we must undertake is a type of diffuse and disposed disintegration of the system.
As Herbert Marcuse made clear, his revolutionary process was to focus on the gradual disintegration of the capitalist system and the disintegration of the social order and the white male structure of power using his new proletarian for this purpose. It was virtually the same kind of process devised by Karl Marx for use against 19th century Germany. The main difference was that in Karl Marx's social revolution he strived to cause the disintegration of the bourgeois class to create a proletarian America not only with just male workers as Marx did, but with the new proletarian women, blacks and students. This was his way of leading the march toward Karl Marx's Proletarian America.
Since the founding of the American Communist Party in 1919, the revolutionary forces of transformational Marxism have strived to cause the disintegration of the traditional social political order in order to replace it with a new proletarian order. This reflects the heritage of Karl Marx who devised his revolutionary warfare to replace the mid-19th century bourgeois ruling order with proletarian rule in Europe. In Marx's time, the proletarians were supposed to be mostly white male workers. But in early 20th Century America, the white male workers proved to be more patriotic than revolutionary as were their counterparts in Europe. They instinctively knew the agitation and propaganda of the Marxist, Socialist and Communist was basically an exercise in grand deception. As had been indicated, the combined revolutionary forces of old Communist were under William Z. Foster; the old Soviet espionage apparatus; the Frankfurt School apparatus and the likes of Betty Friedan and Herbert Marcuse redefined and enlarged the proletarian revolutionary forces to include mostly radicalized women, minorities, students and intellectuals. This effort to restructure American society by a gradual social revolution was largely successful in causing the disintegration of all former white male perverse in all sectors of American life: in the political system, in the military, in business, in the schools, colleges and universities and even in social clubs. Karl Marx's posthumous revolutionary sweep has been all encompassing.
Here are a few highly visible representative symptoms of Karl Marx's social revolution on the way to a new proletarian ruling order in the America of the 1990's:
A black African was selected as secretary-general of the United Nations at the insistence of the Clinton Administration.
In the first Clinton cabinet of 1993, of 14 cabinet post, only 4 Euro-white males are appointed. The remaining 10 were women and minorities.
At the 1996 Democratic National Convention, half of the 4,320 delegates were women to demonstrate that politics were no longer to be considered a man's task.
At the 1996 Republican National Convention, General Colin Powell called on Republicans to always be the party of inclusion, to open their arms to diversity, and rip out discrimination branch and root, this being the same kind of call made by the revolutionary forces.
A minority female was appointed by Clinton as the Secretary of State.
A minority Hispanic was appointed by Clinton as the U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations.
In 1996, a female was elected as the Governor of New Hampshire.
In 1996, a minority Chinese was elected as the Governor of Washington.
Females and minorities are increasingly appointed to the military, air force and naval academies of the Armed Forces so they may become officers over enlisted white males.
Females are selected as bomber pilots in the Air Force and carrier fight pilots in the Navy and assigned to forward combat units in the Army.
Male and female blacks are increasingly inserted into television and magazine adverting and in movies as leading actors and actress.
Women as well as male and female minorities are increasing elected to the Senate and House of the U. S. Congress.
Women and minorities in growing numbers are elected or appointed to high positions not only in the Federal Government, but also in state and local governments.
Female "first" in the Clinton administration:
First female in space--Sally Ride
First female commander of a U.S. space mission
First female command of naval warship
First female Secretary of State
First female Attorney General
First female Secretary of Health and Human Services
Clinton administration proposed the first females on U. S. Navy submarines.
Clinton appointed a black male as Surgeon General of the United States.
Black mayors are elected in such major cities as Washington D.C., New York, Dallas, Seattle, Denver and Atlanta over the years.
The Virginia Military Institute and the Citadel are stripped of their male exclusiveness.
These representative symptoms of the social revolution wrought by the likes of Betty Friedan, Herbert Marcuse, and their other allies of the revolutionary forces of transformational Marxism indicate how far things have gone toward Karl Marx's proletarian America. This condition has been brought about primarily by psychological conditioning using the word "discrimination" as Pavlov did with dogs. This use of the word "discrimination" goes back to the mid-1940's and its injection into American politics by the Marxist Frankfurt School apparatus. It has been working on American minds for nearly 60 years with great effectiveness, and even almost 70 years if William Z. Foster's use of the word in Toward Soviet America is considered as part of this proletarian revolution.
To repeat how this national condition came about, during the mid-1940's, the Frankfurt School apparatus was commissioned by the American Jewish Committee to write a five-volume project entitled Studies in Prejudice of which The Authoritarian Personality would become the most influential after being published in 1950. After World War II, Jewish organizations had already launched a nationwide campaign to end prejudice and discrimination in America by challenging discriminatory laws and by mobilizing the media and the academic community to discredit prejudice. According to J. J. Goldberg in his book Jewish Power: Inside the American Jewish Establishment published in 1996, this nationwide campaign was a huge coordinated campaign that was waged in the courts and the legislatures and in the media. It resulted in new legislation that outlawed "discrimination". Especially at the Federal level, this new legislation had the net effect of criminalizing the American middle class for it adherence to the traditional standards. As such, it closely followed Karl Marx's original intent to criminalize the bourgeois middle class in 19th century Germany as part of his formula for the proletarian revolution there. Over the decades that followed, public official and the public in general had been so conditioned by Pavlov's words that they began seeing "discrimination" everywhere. What follows are a few random examples of this phenomenon:
In 1994, President Clinton declared his intention to ban "discrimination" against homosexuals in the military. In a speech on November 8, 1997, he expressed the view that the threat facing homosexuals was bigotry and "discrimination." In a 1998 White House event saluting the 45th Anniversary of the Equal Pay Act of 1963, he asserted that "discrimination" against women was the major reason for the fact that women earn 76 cents for every dollar that men earn. On May 28, 1998, President Clinton amended Executive Order 11478 to prohibit "discrimination" based on sexual orientation in the Federal Government.
Barbara Bush, former President George Bush's wife, wrote a letter in 1990 to Paulette Goodman, President of the Federation of Parents and Friends of Lesbians and Gays, in which she stated: "I firmly believe that we cannot tolerate "discrimination" against any individuals or groups in our country.
New Jersey's Chief Justice dismissed the right of the Boy Scouts to expel a homosexual assistant scoutmaster as "bigotry." The court conceded that it was ruling against the Scouts because not to would be tantamount to tolerating an act of "discrimination."
The Southern Poverty Law Center advertises itself as an organization that combats hate, intolerance and "discrimination" through education and litigation and its programs include "Teaching Tolerance."
In May, 1999, The Office of Civil Rights of the Federal Department of Education announced: "The use of any educational test which has a significant disparate impact on members of any particular race, national origin, or sex is 'discriminatory' and a violation of Title VI and/or Title XI respectively."
In November, 1999, a group of hotels in Houston, Texas was sued for "discrimination" for not hiring a man with a beard.
In November, 1999, Boeing Company had agreed to pay $4.5 million to end salary "discrimination" against women and minorities.
Alabama found that a constitutional amendment mandating English as the official state language, which included taking driver's exams in English, was ruled by a Federal Court to violate Federal anti-"discrimination" laws.
The Department of Housing and Urban Development is investigating whether the two biggest underwriters of home mortgages "discriminate" against blacks and other minorities.
In March, 2003, the Federal Government agreed to pay 508 million to settle a sex "discrimination" suit brought by 1,100 women who charged that they were denied jobs and promotions 23 years ago at Voice of America.
June 2, 2000, The Housing and Urban Affairs Department filed housing "discrimination" on behalf of a non-renter with the claim the landlord harassed and threatened the white tenant because her boyfriend was black.
The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission will crack down on "discrimination" by temporary agencies by probing staffing firms that agree not to send employers temporaries of a certain race, ethnic background or sex.
The U.S. Commission on Civil Rights voted to release a report claiming widespread gender bias against females in math and science education that is evidence of "discrimination".
Genetic "discrimination" is to be prevented by the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) with enforcement guidelines for government agencies and probably for employers.
It should be apparent that the nationwide campaign against discrimination that was launched decades ago had a profound impact on the minds of those in the executive, legislature and judicial branches of the Federal Government. It had a sinister Marxist revolutionary purpose. It was to ensure the unimpeded progress of the social revolution in America. Over the years since "Studies In Prejudice" project was first conceived, the revolutionary forces had gradually managed to transform the Federal Government itself into their own instrument of social revolution by the incremental passage of laws supposedly designed to cure discrimination and inequality. What follows are laws passed by the U.S. Congress during the period from 1957 to 1996:
Civil Rights Act of 1957
Equal pay Act of 1963
Economic Opportunity Act of 1964
Civil Rights Act of 1964
The Taxonomy of Educational Objectives of 1964
The Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965
The Voting Act of 1965
Immigration Act of 1965
Higher Education Act of 1965
Adult Education Act of 1966
Age Discrimination in Employment Act of 1967
Civil Rights Act of 1968
Indian Civil Rights Act of 1968
Individuals With Disabilities Education Act of 1970
Education Amendments of 1972
Equal Employment Opportunity Act of 1972
Rehabilitation Act of 1973
Equal Credit Opportunity Act of 1974
Age Discrimination Act of 1975
Civil Rights Attorney's Fees Awards Act of 1975
Food Stamps Act of 1977
Indian Child Welfare Act of 1978
Pregnancy Discrimination Act of 1978
Women's Education Equity Act of 1978
Defense Equal Opportunity Institute of 1979
United States Commission on Civil Rights Act of 1983
Civil Rights Act of 1983
Emergency Immigrant Education Act of 1984
Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986
Civil Rights Restoration Act of 1987
Women's Business Ownership Act of 1988
Business Opportunity Development Reform Act of 1988
Age Discrimination Claims Assistance Act of 1988
Fair Housing Amendments Act of 1988
Universal Voter Registration Act of 1988
Immigration Reform Act of 1990
Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990
National and Community Service Act of 1990
Civil Rights Act of 1991
Nontraditional Employment for Women Act of 1991
Individual with Disabilities Education Act Amendments of 1991
National Literacy Act of 1991
Job Training Partnership Act of 1992
Civil Rights Act of 1993
Mickey Leland Childhood Hunger relief Act of 1993
Improving America's Schools Act of 1994
Food Stamps Program Improvement Act of 1994
School-To-Work Opportunities Act of 1994
Minority Focused Civics Education Act of 1994
Goals 2000: Educate America Act of 1994
Hate Crimes Statistics Act of 1994
Women's Educational Equity Act of 1994
Adoption Anti-Discrimination Act of 1995
Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Act of 1996
Equal Access to Justice Act of 1996
All the available evidence confirms the reality that the revolutionary forces of transformational Marxism have succeeded in proletarianalizing the average American mind by mass psychology. This has been done by following the same pattern devised by Karl Marx who made the proletarians the heroes of German society and the bourgeoisie the villains who could do no right. Marx added the psychological element: "The nation must be taught to be terrified of itself..." This is precisely the same kind of revolutionary process that was used by Marxist against America. Only the definition of proletarians was changed by the likes of Betty Friedan and Herbert Marcuse to encompass and portray women and blacks as the new proletarian heroes of the revolutionary forces and middle class white males as the villains who were guilty of everything. This has been the function of Pavlovian words such as discrimination, prejudice, bigotry, racism, sexism, anti-Semitism, homophobism, and xenophobism. These words are used by the revolutionary forces to install fear, dread and guilt in white males so they will become passive and tolerant in the face of the revolutionary assault. Thus the success of Karl Marx's social revolution in America.
My name is Karl Marx. My earthly body ceased to exist in the year 1883 but my spirit lives on in the hearts and minds of untold thousands of adherents. I take great pride in this, knowing that confirms the acceptance of my personal judgments about the world and its peoples that became a structure of beliefs known as Marxism. Most Americans did not really comprehend what my adherents had done to them and their society. This was the result of a 150-year-old revolutionary epic which I had initiated. And despite all of my voluminous writings, few Americans actually read them and those that did usually misunderstood them and so concluded my plans did not apply to them and their society. They have been very foolish and this neglect was a grave error on their part. However, I will be eternally grateful for this neglect as it allowed my adherents to virtually destroy the traditional belief structure of America and then insert many of my own belief in their place without a serious challenge. I am writing so those poor Americans will learn how my kind of revolutionaries have come to almost dominate their very thoughts and behavior
American scholars know Marxism as a body of doctrine formulated in systematic form that includes economic determinism, class conflicts leading inevitably to revolution in the transition from feudalism to capitalism and hence to communism under the dictatorship of the proletariat, and the predicted ultimate triumph of world communism as a result of destructive rivalries among the capitalist-imperialist powers. This is how Marxism is described in the Funk & Wagnall's New International Dictionary. This is a fair summary of what I, Karl Marx, preached except that it omitted the labor theory of value and other such beliefs that I used to twist the minds of men. The materialist conception of history was another, But then I wrote Das Kapital for the same reason. And I had an ulterior motive for publishing it first in German. Das Kapital was a criticism of the capitalist system in order to destroy it. In my war plan of 1843, I proclaimed that criticism was a weapon to destroy--not just an economic system--but the Christian-Germanic ruling order of the Prussian state. Americans never seemed to realize that the underlying purpose of my revolutionary project was more religious and racial rather than just economics. I take great pride in the success of this grand deception. Never in all history have so many been misled and confused and deceived by the written word that was mine. It pleased me greatly that my personal vendetta born of my instinctive hatred of the Germans because of the difference in outward appearances led to Marxism and its earth-shaking consequences.
Americans and Europeans in general had long deluded themselves into thinking that Marxism was designed as a scheme of progress for the benefit of all humanity simply because my adherents said it was. This confirms how ignorant and gullible people can be. Even when I proposed a world proletarian revolution under which everyone in the world would become proletarians on a equal footing with the pygmies of Africa and the aboriginals of Australia, only a very few realized this was a diabolically clever scheme for the eventual disintegration of the Christian-Germanic West. But everyone was warned. After a long conversation with Moses Hess, the communist rabbi, he wrote that I, Karl Marx, was the one to give medieval religion and politics the coup de grace. Moses Hess could see that I intended to destroy the Christendom of Charlemagne, crowned Emperor by the Pope in Rome, and its continuation under Otto the Great as the Holy Roman Empire of the German People. The crowning of German Emperors by the Pope of the Roman Church that sanctified their rule by divine right as well the rule by their kingly descendents was something neither Hess nor I could tolerate.
There was a reason for our intolerance. Moses Hess elaborated on the reason in his 1862 book, Rome and Jerusalem. Here are some of the things he wrote:
From the time that Innocent III, Pope from 1198 to 126 evolved the diabolical plan to destroy the moral stamina of the Jews, the bearers of Spanish culture to the world Christendom, by forcing them to wear a badge of shame on their garments...Papal Rome symbolizes to the Jews an inexhaustible poison. It is only with the drying-up of this source that Christian-German anti-Semitism will die from lack of nourishment.
Social life-tendencies are the spiritual life-views, typical and primal race creations. The entire past history of humanity originally moved only in circle of race and class struggle. The race struggle is the primal one, and the class struggle secondary. The last dominating race is the German...The race struggle will also come to a standstill. The equalization of all classes of society will necessarily follow the emancipation of the races.
Moses Hess provided the underlying reason why we were both anxious to seek the destruction of the warrior aristocracy that ruled medieval Christendom that I called Christian-Germanic serfdom. Its highest form took place in Prussianized Germany and that is why my early efforts were to subject the authoritarian state of Prussia to ruthless criticisms as a weapon to destroy. I must boast again. If the Americans had read what Moses Hess and I had written for the world to read about the hatred we Semites felt for the Germanic world, I would have very little to boast about. As it turned out, my adherents read every word and used them against America. Moses Hess even related the arguments of Otto Wigand about this racist conflict in Rome and Jerusalem. and it had no effect. But here are excerpts from Wigand's letter of 1858:
The Jewish face may certainly beam with pride, as it views the tremendous progress made by the Jews in a brief time...which is especially notable considering the fact that their poets and writers at whose greatness the nation is astonished, and of whose talents the entire people takes account, have sprung from those who, a generation ago, could hardly converse correctly in the language of the land.
and yet, in spite of these achievements, the wall separating Jew and Christian still stands unshattered, for the watchman that guards them is one who will not be caught napping. It is the race difference between the Jewish and Christian populations. If this assertion of mine surprises or astonishes you, I ask you to consider whether it is not almost a rule with the Germans that race differences generate prejudices which cannot be overcome by any manifestation of good-will on the part of the other race.
...and the race antagonism between the children of the sons of Jacob, who are of Asiatic descent, and the descendents of Teut and Herman, the ancestors of whom have inhabited Europe from time immortal; between the proud and the tall blond German and the small of figure, black-haired and blacked-eyed Jew? Races which differ in such a degree oppose each other instinctively and against such opposition reason and good sense are powerless.
Wigand spoke a bitter truth and I know this from my own experience. My father called me a demonic genius, yet my own children called me "The Moor" because of my black hair and black eyes. My response to this condition was to design a supreme act of vengeance that was more direct than Moses Hess' reaction to the Germanic world we were born in. In my youthful poetry, I warned everyone that I was intent on destruction. In one poem, I saluted the Prince of Darkness. In another, I used such phrases as: "I shall howl gigantic curses on mankind" and "though I bring the world to ruins". "Then will I wander godlike and victorious through the ruins of the world" was another of my poetic phrases. Fortunately, only my followers read my early writings and understood their destructive implications.
I must confess what I did to fashion my supreme act of vengeance for the wrongs I felt the Germans had inflicted on myself and others. I devised a mental club of destruction for insertion into their own heads so that they would indulge in their own self-destruction. I injected disordered and chaotic thoughts into their heads by ruthless and destructive criticism of their ancestral and cultural heritage, their religion, their moral code, their standard of behavior and even their worth as a people. I condemned their ideology, their customs and traditions, their history and prehistory, their social order, their economic system, and their structures of authority. I would invert their image of themselves so that whereas the Germans viewed their cultural, ancestral and racial heritage as one of greatness, I portrayed the same heritage as a legacy of evil, injustice and oppression. I charged them with being guilty of these things so as to cause them to turn inward in introspection of themselves. My purpose was to induce a paralysis of judgment among them, dissolve their will to prevail and create the subliminal impression in their minds that they were unworthy of further existence. Then I demanded that they join a proletarian world of equality as the wave of the future which I actually meant their eventual extinction as a people by unrestricted interracial integration and intermarriage with the various non-Germanic peoples of the world.
I was immensely proud of my diabolically clever scheme to administer the coup de grace to the Christian-Germanic world that had created Western civilization. My only regret is that its implementation took much longer that I had anticipated. For I had originally intended that the Germans be the first to tear their society apart with the hatred I had instilled in them. But just as revolutionary prospects died out in Germany as a result of Bismarck's reforms with Prussian socialism, it was my devoted followers in Russia such as Lenin, Trotsky and Stalin who brought about the Bolshevik revolution of 1917 during the Great War. This was my first great triumph and those revolutionary forces had succeeded beyond my wildest dreams. They now controlled the largest nation in the world as a base for the world proletarian revolution. I was really proud of the ruthless way the Leninist and the Stalinist had proceeded to destroy the Russian middle class bourgeoisie as I had intended. Five million or more Russians and Ukrainians were starved to death or shipped to Siberia in cattle cars and Stalin's great purges accounted for the death of twenty million other Russians. This confirmed the validity of my scheme to have the northern people kill each other off until Western civilization was decimated beyond recovery.
My second great triumph was the American reaction to the success of the Bolshevik Revolution and the rise of Communist parties in the nations of the West. My adherents and followers who comprise the Communist and other Marxist revolutionaries in America viewed events in Europe as favorable to a Soviet-led proletarian world. With the aid of the Soviet espionage apparatus, more than 300 infiltrated the American government to manipulate it in the interest of the Soviet Union. For them, the Soviet Bolsheviks could do no wrong. Such was the power of my idea that the leading advisor to the President of the United States served as a Soviet agent and worked to insure Stalin received everything he demanded from the American government. Such demands included diplomatic recognition of the Soviet Union; enlarge Soviet diplomatic and trade missions; recognition of the Communist Party, USA as a legitimate political party; massive supplies of military equipment and material after the German invasion of the Soviet Union; and a second front in Europe. My adherents in America had succeeded in provoking the Japanese to attack America instead of the Soviet Far East which Stalin wanted to prevent. This provided the excuse for American entry into the second Great War and the subsequent invasion of Europe by an American Army to save the Bolshevik Soviet Union from defeat by German armies.
I will be eternally grateful to my American followers for their influence in allowing Stalin to drive his Red Army into the heart of Central Europe. Stalin was merely following my original plan to destroy German military power and the Prussian warrior class that served it. Very fortunately, Stalin then arranged for my Chinese adherents to conquer all of China, ignited the Korean War and various wars of national liberation in Africa and later the Vietnam War. It began to dawn on some Americans that a major mistake in judgment about the hostility of the Soviet Union had been made. Surprisingly, few Americans recognized the great mistake they made concerning the true nature of my grand scheme which had motivated the Soviet brand of Communism. But then it was almost too late. For my ardent followers in America had accomplished their primary mission of making most Americans thinks as I, Karl Marx, wanted them to think. For this I will be eternally grateful.
Fortunately, no American official or for that matter no one else wanted to admit in public that any major mistake in judgment had been made concerning Marxism and the death of nearly 100 million people over the globe that resulted from my new dogmatic hatred that drove men to commit such acts. Public officials in America refrained from such revelations for fear that it might make Hitler and the Germans look better that they are usually portrayed and this pleaded me greatly. For Hitler and his National Socialist had destroyed the large and powerful Communist Party in Germany and under their leadership Germany was the only major nation in the West to take such decisive action. This was intolerable to my faithful followers. Besides, the Germans had the audacity to invade the Bolshevik motherland which was even more intolerable. So I was especially proud to see how my ardent adherents shaped American public opinion to believe that the rise of Hitler's National Socialists was the enemy and a threat to America and Western civilization when in reality it was the rise of Bolshevism and the Red Terror that occurred first in Russia which caused the Germans to react the way they did. But it was I, Karl Marx, who I proudly admit, was the guilty party for devising the means to de-Christianize and de-Germanize Europe, the hereditary homeland of the Germanic people even back in prehistory, which the Soviet Bolsheviks vowed to accomplish with my world proletarian revolution.
My third great triumph was brought about in America by my adherents who formed the Revolutionary Forces of Transformational Marxism. They were positively brilliant . They recognized that my Marxism had evolved into a superior form of political warfare that was comprehensive in nature, ranging as it did from beliefs about prehistory, history, culture, religion, race and sex. They also divined a root purpose: To methodically transform traditional American man into the exact opposite of the tall, blonde, blue-eyed, aristocratic-warrior that was Prussian man. My loyal adherents learned their lessons very well from me. They conducted sustained psychological conditioning of the whole American nation by a massive campaign of mental terrorism just as I had proclaimed that the German nation must be taught to be terrified of itself. My adherents followed the pattern I had set when I denounced the white West for its imperialism, colonialism, militarism, feudalism, chauvinism and capitalism that they referred to as a legacy of moral evil and used with great psychological effect. My adherents in America simply followed the same pattern by denouncing middle class white males for their racism, sexism, anti-Semitism, xenophobia, and homophobia that was calculated to suppress their traditional and instinctual structure of beliefs and with it destroy all notions of superiority and hierarchy. I, Karl Marx, salute them. For my adherents had devised this way to bring about a sweeping transformation of the governing order in America by a social revolution without anyone realizing what was going on. It was a feat that made me proud of what I had done toward making a proletarian America.
The greatest feat my American adherents performed was not only their transformational efforts to de-Christianize and de-Germanize America as I did in Europe, but also to de-masculate and feminize the American political system, the educational system, the workplace and the armed forces. Feminization of the armed forces by female warriors was the method for administering the coup de grace to traditional America and was the apex of the social revolution. If Americans could be taught to tolerate female warriors, they would tolerate anything that was part of the revolutionary process. Americans had been brought to that condition by being saturated with the false claim of my adherents that "all men are created equal" as in the Declaration Of Independence. But they very cleverly omitted any reference to the "merciless Indian savage" in the same document which together with the existence of black slaves presented a glaring contradiction. Fortunately, no one seemed willing or able to connect these actions to the "war against patriarchy" that I had initiated in my The German Ideology of 1845, the main result bring that matriarchy and androgyny beliefs became basic staples of the revolutionary forces of transformational Marxism that led to the spreading of misandry, the contempt for men, that greatly aided my adherents drive to destroy the traditional male power structure in America. I was immensely proud of this achievement that did so much for my American triumph.
Another great feat of my American adherents was the use of the Jewish Holocaust as a very clever device to spread an all pervading fear among themselves and then among Americans in general with the claim that the German belief and practice of racial differentiation led to the Holocaust and therefore the same thing could happen in America unless all distinctions and differentiation were obliterated in American life. They then taught that there was no such thing as race, that differences between white and black were only skin-deep, and that Mendelian genetics did not apply to humans. Mixed marriages between black and white were encouraged and even blessed, especially those between black males and white females. I, Karl Marx, was very proud of this achievement. There were almost no challenges to this concerted effort and it paved the way for making my revolutionary forces of transformational Marxism the dominant influence on the minds of America. For the Holocaust was used to destroy traditional beliefs and prepare Americans to accept my proletarian world of equality as their future. Some called this "globalization". The Germans had instinctively realized from my voluminous writings that I intended to destroy Germanic domination in Europe and that such condition might result in the eventual doom of the Germanic race as both Moses Hess and I looked forward to. It explains why the German historically made such a big issue of race and blood. But then I triumphed over America in the psychological sense so that kind of consideration became obliterated from the American mind.
I was extremely pleased that America's political leaders had never read my revolutionary writings nor read those of my adherents. If they did, there was no evidence of it. This made it much easier for my revolutionary forces to manipulate the political system to change America's immigration laws to permit the massive influx of Third World colored peoples. This was a crowning achievement . For this accomplished a major transformation of American society by a drastic change in its racial composition that would be permanent. The success of the civil rights revolution of the Negroes and the success of the feminist revolution and the success of the Countercultural revolution together with the seemingly permanent and irreversible change in the composition of American society brought about by the immigration revolution, all of which were aided and abetted by my revolutionary forces of transformational Marxism, were, in reality, monuments to the revolutionary process I had initiated over 150 years ago. I am justly proud of this. I owe special thanks to my young adherents such as Abbie Hoffman and Jerry Rubin who gave America its Countercultural revolution that turned America's college youth into cringing opposites of their proud forebears and did so with impunity. All of these events were symptoms of gradual and progressive decline of the traditional power of Germanic man to create standards and exert control in his own lands. But this is what my Marxian revolution was all about to begin with. So I proclaim victory and my American triumph.